When the emperor, who possessed the most profound wisdom, heard about these things, he tried to stop them at their source. Therefore, he sent off a messenger well-known for his intelligence to Alexandria with letters, attempting to quell the dispute and expecting to reconcile the disputants.1 But matters turned out differently from what the emperor had hoped for. The disagreement was too great for reconciliation, and the one who had been sent to make peace returned without accomplishing his mission.2

As for the Nicene Council, it was not a common meeting, but convened upon a pressing necessity and for a reasonable object. The Syrians, Cilicians, and Mesopotamians were out of line [with the rest of the church] in celebrating the festival, observing Easter according to the Jewish calendar.3 On the other hand, the Arian heresy had risen up against the catholic church, and it had found supporters in Eusebius [of Nicomedia]4 and his associates who were both passionate for the heresy and led the attack upon the faithful. This provided the impetus for an ecumenical council, so that the festival should be celebrated everywhere on the same day and that the heresy which was springing up might be condemned.5

Then, as if bringing a divine army against this enemy, he convened a general council and invited bishops from all over to attend with haste, sending them letters which expressed the esteem in which he held them.6

[Constantine’s letter, now lost, called the council to meet at Ancyra, but a second letter changed the location to Nicaea, a letter that survives only in a Syriac translation:]

I believe it is obvious to everyone that there is nothing more honorable in my sight than the fear of God. Though it was formerly decided that a council of bishops should meet at Ancyra in Galatia, it seemed to us for many reasons that it would be better for the council to assemble at Nicaea, a city of Bithynia, because the bishops from Italy and the rest of the countries of Europe are coming, because of the excellent temperature of the air, and so that I may be present as a spectator and participant in what will be done. Therefore I affirm for you, my beloved brothers, that you should all promptly assemble at the said city, that is at Nicaea. Let every one of you therefore, as I said before, keep the greater good in mind and hurry to gather without any delay, so that you may be physically present as spectators of those things which will be done.

May our God protect you, beloved brothers.7

It was not just the emperor’s command but also his good will which contributed substantially to its successful accomplishment.8 He pledged his word that the bishops and their companions would be furnished with donkeys, mules, and horses for their journey at public expense. When all those who were able to endure the fatigue of the journey had arrived at Nicaea, he went there himself, both to see the great number of bishops and to fulfill his desire of leading them into unity. At once, he arranged for all their needs to be abundantly provided for.9

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Last updated 12-19-2024 by JSW

  1. Theod. CH 1.7.1. The letter addressed to bishop Alexander and to Arius has been preserved in Eus. LC 2.64-72 with abbreviated versions in Soc. CH 1.7 and ACH 2.4. An English translation is at https://www.fourthcentury.com/urkunde-17/.
  2. Soz. CH 1.17.
  3. Ath. Syn. 5a1; “This arose because some wanted to keep celebrating the festival more in line with the Jewish custom, while others preferred the way that [other] Christians throughout the world generally celebrated it. This difference, however, did not interrupt their fellowshipping, although their common joy was necessarily lessened.” (Soc. CH 1.82). Interestingly, none of the sources (all Eastern) mention the purity schisms (Donatists, Novatians, Melitians) as a factor in the summoning of the council.
  4. There are five bishops named Eusebius among the list of subscribers at Nicaea. Eusebius of Caesarea and Eusebius of Nicomedia were the two who played important roles, the former being sympathetic to some Arian ideas and the latter a rabid supporter of them. Here the reference is surely to the bishop of Nicomedia.
  5. Ath. Syn. 5.
  6. Eus. LC 3.6.
  7. For a Greek translation of the Syriac see E Schwartz, “Zur Geschichte des Athanasius. VI.” Nachrichten von der Königlichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften  zu Göttingen, Philologisch-Historische Klasse (Gottingen: Luder Horstmann, 1905), p. 289; for the Syriac see F. Schulthess,  “Die syrischen Kanones der Synoden von Nicaea bis Chalcedon.” Abhandlungen der Königlichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Philologisch-Historische Klasse N.F. 10, no. 2 (Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1908) p. 1; English translation from A New Eusebius, Ed. J Stevenson (London: SPCK, 1963) no 299, adapted by Glen L. Thompson.
  8. Eus. LC 3.6.
  9. Theod. CH 1.7.2.

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